SAUL LOEB/AFP via Getty Images; Chelsea Jia Feng/BI
Many of America’s biggest businesses are quietly lobbying to curb President Donald Trump’s plan to deport millions of immigrants — workers who represent a large share of their labor force. And some involved in the campaign are deploying a phrase designed to appeal to Trump and his business-minded allies: Make America Wealthy Again.
Business Insider learned of the MAWA campaign from nearly two dozen industry lobbyists, corporate executives, and trade association leaders, most of whom discussed their efforts on the condition of anonymity. The message — directed at officials in the Trump administration, along with Republicans in Congress — is that mass deportations would cripple the economy, driving up prices for everything from groceries to housing.
“Trump as a businessman understands that if he doesn’t have 200 guys cutting the grass at his golf courses, then they don’t look right, and people won’t want to play golf there,” says Cristina Antelo, the founding principal at Ferox Strategies, a lobbying firm that counts the National Retail Federation, Walmart, and the tobacco giant Reynolds America among its clients. “There’s a way to get to Trump and make him realize that. How many businesses does he need to hear from before he’s like, ‘Crap, I really am going to paralyze the entire US labor market if I do this’?”
“There’s one thing Trump cares more about than keeping his mass deportation promise, and that’s the economy,” says one longtime corporate lobbyist.
So far, Trump’s immigration raids have focused mostly on migrants accused of committing crimes since entering the country. But the prospect of widespread busts on farms and factories has rattled the business community, which relies heavily on migrant labor in areas such as agriculture, meatpacking, and construction. The MAWA plan is to apply pressure on business allies in Trump’s inner circle, rather than on the president directly, and to steer clear of Stephen Miller, the administration’s most outspoken anti-immigration hard-liner. “Stephen Miller won’t ever be convinced. Forget that,” says a lobbyist from a prominent trade association. “But Trump can be convinced not to screw over fellow businesspeople. Miller isn’t the only dude who has Trump’s ear.”
Instead, according to multiple lobbyists, they’ll seek to influence Brooke Rollins, Trump’s pick to lead the Department of Agriculture, and Kristi Noem, his secretary of Homeland Security. Both are longtime business advocates, and Noem served as governor of South Dakota, home to migrant-dependent industries like beef processing and dairy.
In addition, lobbyists have already begun reaching out to members of Congress and their staffs — both on Capitol Hill and in their districts back home — via phone, Zoom, and in-person meetings. Several lobbyists describe a campaign of “shock and awe,” one that will seek to apply “1,000 points of pressure” to GOP members of Congress who understand that immigrants are willing to take low-paying, high-risk jobs that are shunned by most Americans. Among those being targeted is Rep. Glenn Thompson of Pennsylvania, who chairs the House Agriculture Committee.
Despite Trump’s hardline rhetoric on immigration, corporate lobbyists are confident that he’ll reconsider the sweeping scope of his crackdown. “There’s one thing Trump cares more about than keeping his mass deportation promise, and that’s the economy,” says one longtime corporate lobbyist. “He won’t let it go to hell over something he controls.”
For years, one of America’s leading advocates for pro-immigration policies was the US Chamber of Commerce, which saw migrants as a source of cheap and pliable labor. As the country’s largest lobbying group, the Chamber championed policies to expand guest worker programs and create paths for workers to gain legal status.
Over the past decade, as Trump made immigration crackdowns a signature issue, the Chamber pivoted away from its advocacy for migrants. But one former Chamber official tells BI that the business alliance — and its lobbying juggernaut — was seeking to serve as a moderating force on the issue. He said leadership at the Chamber was actively pressing lawmakers and Trump officials to avoid immigration enforcement actions that could hurt big business. (Neither the Chamber nor the White House responded to a request for comment.)
Officials at two other leading business associations say their organizations are also part of the “quiet caucus” of influential lobbying groups that are pressing Trump allies to help convince the president that mass deportations would damage his economic agenda.
Many corporate lobbyists view Trump himself as their best ally in reversing his most extreme positions on immigration.
Some of the MAWA lobbyists believe they can even persuade Trump to back the sort of comprehensive immigration reform that he torpedoed during his campaign. Such legislation, they say, could involve cracking down on border security in exchange for granting business-friendly concessions — including a pathway to citizenship for taxpaying immigrants with jobs, and more work visas for seasonal laborers and high-tech talent from Europe and Asia.
Whatever form the measures take, lobbyists are making their influence felt on immigration. “There will be negotiations,” says Dan McFaul, a partner at Ballard Partners, a powerhouse lobbying firm with ties to Trump and his top advisors. The guiding principle, he says, is the essence of Washington politics: “What is the art of the possible?”
Many corporate lobbyists view Trump himself as their best ally in reversing his most extreme positions on immigration. “He’s pretty pragmatic about how he approaches issues at the end of the day,” says Rich Gold, a partner at Holland & Knight, whose lobbying clients range from the National Mining Association to the government of West Palm Beach, near Trump’s home at Mar-a-Lago. Lobbyists note, for example, that it took only two days for Trump — amid a massive outcry from business leaders — to reverse course and delay a planned 25% tariff on Mexico.
“There’s no way Trump is going all the way on immigration,” says a lobbyist whose firm represents a dozen industries in a wide range of sectors. “He’s loud, but he’s not dumb.”
Dave Levinthal is an investigative journalist in Washington, DC. He was a reporter and editor at Business Insider until 2022.
